Confinement with No Rights. Perceptions of Inmates' Relatives Regarding Measures for COVID-19 Control Implemented in Mexican Prisons

Based on a participatory study design, this article describes how a group of family members of people deprived of liberty (PDL) experienced the COVID-19 control measures implemented in Mexico's prisons. We conducted 28 in-depth interviews and analyzed them using ATLAS.ti. We found that the measures implemented in Mexican prisons to avoid the spread of COVID-19 focused mainly on suspension of visitation and PDL confinement. The isolation imposed on PDL impacted their living conditions, making them more vulnerable to contracting COVID-19 due to lack of access to essential services, food, and hygiene supplies. Visit restrictions and PDL isolation also impacted PDL relatives' health and socioeconomic conditions. Our findings indicate that the consequences of COVID-19 control actions in Mexican prisons differ according to the gender and jurisdiction of PDL. Women in federal prisons were more isolated, while those in local ones were more deprived of basic supplies. Imprisoned women's isolation has especially severe effects on the mental and physical health of their elderly parents and children. The results show how the measures adopted to control COVID-19 outbreaks in Mexican prisons have exacerbated the preexisting systemic violence experienced by PDL and their families and how they have failed to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in these settings. These findings provide support for the health-informed penal reform of Mexican prisons.

Life During COVID for Court-Involved People

Data from a unique survey of court-involved New Yorkers collected during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 provides evidence for a cycle of disadvantage involving penal control, material hardship, and health risk. We find evidence of chaotic jail conditions from March to May 2020 in the early phase of the pandemic, and high levels of housing and food insecurity, and joblessness for those leaving jail or with current criminal cases. The highest levels of material hardship—measured by housing insecurity, unemployment, shelter stays, and poor self-reported health—were experienced by those with mental illness and substance use problems who had been incarcerated.

Introduction: Do we really want a return to normal?

Governments in many nations responded to these upheavals with public spending programmes on vaccines and medical equipment, and financial support for businesses and workers during lockdowns and public safety mandates. Taking a visual approach to borders, through the photographic self-representations of the study's participants, Biglin finds that legal status and a sense of belonging, being at home in one's space, do not correspond. BRETT NICHOLLS is Head of Media, Film and Communication at the University of Otago in New Zealand.

Abolition as Durational Performance: Mutual Aid Aesthetics in Chicago's Southeast Asian Neighborhood

Responses to rising anti-Asian violence during the COVID-19 pandemic prompted multiple, often conflicting, actions including calls to defund the police, calls for more police, bystander interventions, and the exploitation of violence to promote influencers' brands. In Chicago's "Argyle" Uptown neighborhood, an area known as a Southeast Asian refugee business district, Asian Americans and local white government officials promoting liberal multiculturalist urban renewal projects used the news after the Atlanta spa shooting to advance their plans for gentrification and increased policing. How do we understand the colliding narratives of racial antagonisms, racial solidarities, and the genocidal logics of urban renewal, as they emerge at the intersection of settler colonialism and the afterlife of slavery? How is this question complicated by the entwined issues of refugee resettlement and multiculturalist solutions to anti-Asian violence? In this article, I argue abolition as durational performance offers an embodied, performance studies based analytic and methodology for the study and praxis of abolition. Abolition as durational performance centers the creation of life-affirming institutions, relations, and spaces while navigating the histories and bodily impacts of white supremacy, anti-Blackness, native genocide, and US liberal war on refugee resettlement as it is enacted through urban renewal and redevelopment projects. I focus on Axis Lab, a community-based arts and architecture organization based in Chicago, which launched its mutual aid and public arts project in June 2020. This is an abolitionist project inspired by the Black Panther breakfast and political education programs.

Thinking Resistance, "Emergency,” and Kismet: A Response to Dylan Rodríguez's Presidential Address

The battles over masking only amplified preexisting culture and race wars in which entrenched libertarianism and neoliberal individualism evaded the economic and existential precarity caused by degraded social welfare and state health care. Counterterrorism projects such as Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) introduced by Barack Obama have relied on recruitment of community members, social service providers, and educators for self-surveillance and self-regulation of political expression and community organizing: a liberal counterterrorism approach for "reformist reform.” 5 Nabeel Abraham and Will Youmans provide important analyses of the "Containment System” in response to the War on Terror, based on "entrepreneurial opportunism” (Rodríguez) by Arab and Muslim American educators, professionals, and community leaders (including in the nonprofit industrial complex), some of whom collaborated with federal and state agencies.6 Academic Containment Reckoning with these critiques from critical Arab American or Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) studies requires grappling with the long history of anti-Arab/Muslim state policies of surveillance, policing, and mass incarceration that preceded 2001. The Zionist lobby and anti-Palestinian organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League have increasingly deployed the language of tolerance and civility to tar critics of Israel with charges of anti-Semitism.7 These liberal strategies, illustrating Rodríguez's argument, can be more damaging than frontal attacks on the Palestine justice movement because the language of racism is harder to challenge

SARS CoV-2 seroprevalence and diagnostic accuracy during a COVID-19 outbreak in a major penitentiary complex in Brazil, June to July 2020

PurposeThis study aims to estimate the overall SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence and evaluate the accuracy of an antibody rapid test compared to a reference serological assay during a COVID-19 outbreak in a prison complex housing over 13,000 prisoners in Brasília.Design/methodology/approachThe authors obtained a randomized, stratified representative sample of each prison unit and conducted a repeated serosurvey among prisoners between June and July 2020, using a lateral-flow immunochromatographic assay (LFIA). Samples were also retested using a chemiluminescence enzyme immunoassay (CLIA) to compare SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence and 21-days incidence, as well as to estimate the overall infection fatality rate (IFR) and determine the diagnostic accuracy of the LFIA test.FindingsThis study identified 485 eligible individuals and enrolled 460 participants. Baseline and 21-days follow-up seroprevalence were estimated at 52.0% (95% CI 44.9–59.0) and 56.7% (95% CI 48.2–65.3) with LFIA;and 80.7% (95% CI 74.1–87.3) and 81.1% (95% CI 74.4–87.8) with CLIA, with an overall IFR of 0.02%. There were 78.2% (95% CI 66.7–89.7) symptomatic individuals among the positive cases. Sensitivity and specificity of LFIA were estimated at 43.4% and 83.3% for IgM;46.5% and 91.5% for IgG;and 59.1% and 77.3% for combined tests.Originality/valueThe authors found high seroprevalence of anti-SARS-CoV-2 antibodies within the prison complex. The occurrence of asymptomatic infection highlights the importance of periodic mass testing in addition to case-finding of symptomatic individuals;however, the field performance of LFIA tests should be validated. This study recommends that vaccination strategies consider the inclusion of prisoners and prison staff in priority groups.

Documents on Democracy

In a country where every ninth person is suffering food shortage, a country where more than one million civilians have fled their homes and villages and have nowhere to live, a country where everyone has lost a family member or a friend to hunger, exposure, war, landmines, arbitrary killings, or the COVID pandemic the military did their utmost to exacerbate, we are all the victims of the military's crimes. There appears to be a parallel trend of an increased number and length of imprisonments occurring through criminal justice processes, suggesting that the focus of deprivation of liberty has shifted towards imprisonment, on purported grounds of counter-terrorism and counter-"extremism." The systems of arbitrary detention and related patterns of abuse in VETC and other detention facilities come against the backdrop of broader discrimination against members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim minorities based on perceived security threats emanating from individual members of these groups. The Government holds the primary duty to ensure that all laws and policies are brought into compliance with international human rights law and to promptly investigate any allegations of human rights violations, to ensure accountability for perpetrators and to provide redress to victims.

Abortion Restrictions Threaten All Reproductive Health Care Clinicians

The Supreme Court's decision on Dobbs vJackson will have an impact on reproductive health care provision for years to come, not only where abortion care is now restricted but across the country. As of January 2023,14 states have outlawed or severely restricted abortion.1 Morbidity and mortality around the time of labor is already on the rise nationally, from 658 in 2018 to 861 in 20202-particularly in places where abortion is restricted and labor care is increasingly sparse because of loss of the workforce after the COVID-19 pandemic.3 It is important to understand how the criminalization of abortion providers will affect all other forms of reproductive health care moving forward.In states where abortion care is currently severely limited, clinicians who provide abortion care face criminalization that can include insurmountable legal fees, loss of their medical license, and even imprisonment. Abortion restrictions create a duality in which providers feel they must serve as agents of the state-reporting any suspicious pregnancy-related issues-or have their license called into question, all while trying to best help their patients. Since these laws took effect, we are already seeing delays in health care services for patients needing early pregnancy care management-for abortion as well as miscarriage management and ectopic pregnancies.4 Health care providers may be called on to increase surveillance and report signs of abortion that can violate their protection of HIPAA (the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act) rights, while also facing malpractice claims if they, by delaying or denying early pregnancy care management, are providing what medical evidence shows to be substandard care.

Confidence in public institutions is critical in containing the COVID-19 pandemic

This paper investigates the relative importance of confidence in public institutions to explain cross-country differences in the severity of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. We find that a 1 SD increase (e.g., the actual difference between the United States and Finland) in confidence is associated with 56.3% fewer predicted deaths per million inhabitants. Confidence in public institutions is one of the most important predictors of deaths attributed to COVID-19, compared to country-level measures of health risks, the health system, demographics, economic and political development, and social capital. We show for the first time that confidence in public institutions encompasses more than just the unobserved quality of health or public services in general. If confidence only included the perceived quality, it would be associated with other health and social outcomes such as breast cancer recovery rates or imprisonment as well, but this is not the case. Moreover, our results indicate that fighting a pandemic requires citizens to cooperate with their governments, and willingness to cooperate relies on confidence in public institutions.Copyright © 2023 The Authors. World Medical & Health Policy published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Policy Studies Organization.

Universal Basic Income, Social Justice, and Marginality: A Critical Evaluation

Struggles for economic justice have historically centered around the fight for jobs and higher wages, but universal basic income (UBI) seeks to distribute wealth outside of labor by giving every citizen an unconditional and universal minimum income. This paper critically assesses the policy ofUBI and asks what ought to be taken into consideration and addressed before the first practical implementation ofUBI on a broad scale. Three issues are outlined: UBI in relation to histories of oppression and the danger of a neoliberal universal basic income;UBI and the issues of citizenship, border imperialism, and social solidarity;and how UBI could affect the carceral system and the incarcerated. The essay argues that UBI runs the risk of reproducing precarity and inequality if not crafted with the needs of marginalized communities in mind and theorizes what a socially just UBI might look like if it was designed to confront these challenges.

Guest editorial

[...]most individuals who are under correctional control serve time in the community on probation or parole. Because health care for older adults is exceedingly complex and costly when compared to younger adults, this large and growing older adult population under correctional control (prisons, jails, parole or probation) ought to sound an alarm through the public health and carceral fields. Service providers in community-based settings such as area agencies on aging, senior centers and leaders in long-term care are encouraged to prepare for an influx of elders with a criminal legal history and to examine current strengths and potential barriers in rising to the challenge of compassion in the wake of custody.

The United States Sentencing Commission, Compassionate Release, and Judicial Discretion: The 2022–2023 Amendment Cycle

The Sentencing Commission is meeting for the first time in three years to promulgate guideline amendments. This amendment cycle promises to be among the Commission's most consequential. Among its tasks, the agency must update USSG 1B1.13, the policy statement that governs reduction of sentence for "extraordinary and compelling reasons.” So-called "compassionate release” has taken on new significance since Congress amended the authorizing statute in the First Step Act of 2018. Because the Commission had no quorum at the time and for several years after it has been unable to amend the guideline to conform to changes made by the FSA. Creative litigation has transformed compassionate release from the last resort for incarcerated people who were aging, debilitated, or dying to one used for a variety of situations deemed extraordinary and compelling by federal courts. These include grants based on reasons ranging from vulnerability to COVID all the way to the injustice of continued incarceration of people serving sentences the FSA lowered but did not make retroactive. Confronting the Commission is the question of whether and to what extent it might cabin the discretion judges have been exercising to recognize various grounds for compassionate release, including intervening changes in the law that make the sentence inequitable.In this article, the author traces the history of compassionate release, discusses the transformation of its use since passage of the FSA, explores the various proposals the Commission has presented for comment, and presents the choices through the lens of one incarcerated person's experience.

Flooding the zone, challenging state secrecy: Newsmaking criminology in the pandemic era

• Over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, Canadian jurisdictions have varied in terms of their reporting of COVID-19 cases amongst prisoners and prison staff. By engaging with the literature focused on the policing of criminological knowledge and prison opacity, this paper examines how multiple approaches to newsmaking criminology in the form of blog posts, op-ed writing, the publishing of reports, and expert commentary can challenge state secrecy in ways that help generate proactive disclosure of additional information regarding the impact and management of the coronavirus behind prison walls. We explore how "flooding the zone” of public debates on pandemic management with the limited and incomplete data made available by authorities works as a knowledge mobilization and research strategy to help reveal previously unpublished information critical to better understanding prison policy, practice and outcomes. In so doing, we highlight the value of newsmaking criminology not only as a means of communicating and mobilizing criminological knowledge, but also of generating it in the service of emancipatory research and advocacy. © The Author(s) 2022.

THE IMPACT OF THE RIOTS AND LOOTING ON THE SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY AND SMALL BUSINESS OWNERS

Following the incarceration of former president Jacob Zuma, his supporters were angered, which resulted in riots and looting in the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) and Gauteng provinces. With South Africa already reeling from the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, the unexpected unrest caused further devastation to the country. This paper aimed to encourage and assist fellow South Africans in understanding the devastation and lasting effects caused by the unrest. Therefore, the engagement in civil unrest in such magnitudes can be avoided for the country's wellbeing. In light of this paper's purpose, this study collected data through the means of desktop research. This meant extracting information from journals, news reports, internet sources and scholarly publications. Based on the literature collected and analysed, it was deduced the riots and looting in July 2021 have negatively affected the South African economy and businesses, in particular small businesses. Some of the main factors depicting this impact include the following insights. An estimated 150 000 jobs were at risk within the KZN region alone. In terms of small businesses, they accounted for 89% of businesses impacted in the two provinces in which the unrest took place. More so, all together, small firms on a monthly basis stood to lose an amount of R3.4 billion in the attempt to resume business operations. This led to many small businesses facing closure. Regarding the economy, the unrest caused the rand to depreciate by 2.4%, which has adverse short and long term effects on the South African economy. These findings are critical as they provide insight into South Africa's current circumstances and what could be expected in the years to come. The main recommendation made in this paper advocated that small businesses adopt a mindset of anticipation and containment. A mindset of anticipation requires constant identification of all potential emergencies and problems, while a mindset of containment entails the embracement of adaptability and flexibility when responding to a crisis. Therefore, the adoption of an anticipation and containment mindset aids in the development of capabilities to deal with loss and commitment to resilience.

A Prosecutorial Duty to Seek Non-Custodial Sentencing

Mass incarceration, which caused the sharp increase in the American prison population over the last five decades, explains why America today comprises five percent of the world's population but houses twenty-five percent of the world's prisoners. This widespread issue has led to many others, including prison overcrowding. American prisons are dramatically overcrowded, with 2,068,000 prisoners as of 2019. Of the fifty states and the District of Columbia, twelve of them have a prison population that is more than fifty percent Black, even though only 13.4% of the US population is Black. Although many incarcerated people are in jail awaiting trial, the majority are incarcerated because they were sentenced there. Therefore, sentencing reform must be part of the solution. This Note will argue that prosecutors should have a duty to recommend non-custodial sentencing whenever feasible, and to otherwise pursue the lowest prison sentence available, because of 1) current overcrowding in prisons, 2) the impact of current COVID-19 protocols, and 3) the societal impact of incarceration.

Weaponizing and resisting time: Race, gender and punishment

This dissertation explores time and imprisonment: I center the narratives of women, their understanding of the ordering of the clock, and experiences of time while they navigated the criminal justice system. I conducted ethnographic research with currently and formerly incarcerated women in and around upstate New York from February 2018 through February 2022. Discussions were centered around issues they were facing while on the inside and how we as advocates-though limited-could help. Interviews probed for how time was understood, passed, and even resisted inside jails and prisons. Women's time, especially poor women and women of color, are subject to greater levels of punishment, which can be seen through and in public and private spheres. I argue time is structurally and physically weaponized against the incarcerated women and their families. I simultaneously expose how time is used as a means of power and social control in, by, and through the government and the criminal justice system. I thus look at how the management of time is key to statecraft. The weaponization of time is at the discretion of the state and its actors-all of which was exacerbated by the looming COVID-19 pandemic. I also discuss how women negotiated, marked, and understood the time of imprisonment in both jail and prison spaces. Finally, I address how incarcerated people created means to combat these abuses of power-from what Scott (1985) called 'weapons of the weak' to organized and collective forms of resistance. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

Surveillance and the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic for formerly incarcerated individuals

To date, most criminal justice research on COVID-19 has examined the rapid spread within prisons. We shift the focus to reentry via in-depth interviews with formerly incarcerated individuals in central Ohio, specifically focusing on how criminal justice contact affected the pandemic experience. In doing so, we use the experience of the pandemic to build upon criminological theories regarding surveillance, including both classic theories on surveillance during incarceration as well as more recent scholarship on community surveillance, carceral citizenship, and institutional avoidance. Three findings emerged. First, participants felt that the total institution of prison "prepared” them for similar experiences such as pandemic-related isolation. Second, shifts in community supervision formatting, such as those forced by the pandemic, lessened the coercive nature of community supervision, expressed by participants as an increase in autonomy. Third, establishment of institutional connections while incarcerated alleviated institutional avoidance resulting from hyper-surveillance, specifically in the domain of healthcare, which is critical when a public health crisis strikes. While the COVID-19 pandemic affected all, this article highlights how theories of surveillance inform unique aspects of the pandemic for formerly incarcerated individuals, while providing pathways forward for reducing the impact of surveillance.

Multiple measures of structural racism as predictors of U.S. county-level COVID-19 cases and deaths

Minoritized racial groups in the U.S. have experienced disproportionately higher rates of COVID-19 cases and deaths. Studies have linked structural racism as a critical factor causing these disproportionate health burdens. We analyse the relationships between county-level COVID-19 cases and deaths and five measures of structural racism on Black Americans: Black–White residential segregation, differences in educational attainment, unemployment, incarceration rates, and health insurance coverage between Black and White Americans. When controlling for socioeconomic, demographic, health and behavioural factors significant relationships were found between all measures of structural racism with cases and/or deaths except Black–White differences in health insurance coverage. Black–White disparities in educational attainment and incarceration were the strongest predictors. The results varied greatly across regions of the U.S. We also found strong relationships between COVID-19 and mobility and the proportion of foreign-born non-citizens. This work supports the important need to confront structural racism on multiple fronts to address health disparities.

The Door Is Still Open: Compassionate Release and the Aging Prisoner

As COVID-19 threatened the lives of those incarcerated, compassionate release motions emerged as a critical mechanism to seek the release of those individuals most vulnerable to severe illness or death. But today, as the urgency of the pandemic diminishes and the grounds justifying release is limited in some Circuits, some may fear that compassionate release has returned to its flawed roots of being available only to a very few. This Article argues that the historical categories related to an individual's age and health need not, and should not, be so narrowly viewed. Rather, these existing categories for compassionate release can be approached more expansively, by grounding them in an understanding of how an elderly individual's health deteriorates in prison, and by calling attention to the inability of an incarcerated individual to access specialized and necessary medical care. Framing these categories in this way ultimately encompasses many elderly individuals in prison and those younger individuals with serious medical conditions who are receiving inadequate medical care. Given the rapidly aging federal prison population and the thousands of prisoners who suffer from significant medical conditions, many of whom have already served many years in prison and demonstrate compelling rehabilitation, these categories remain viable—and even promising— avenues for release.

Policing Sex in the Sunflower State: The Story of the Kansas State Industrial Farm for Women

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the fractures of our society and of its infrastructure: social inequalities in terms of race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, and class;discrepancies in healthcare structures;the lack of a social safety net;and the discriminating operation of law enforcement structures such as the prison system. Perry pursues questions about the history of female imprisonment, womens legal rights, and the restriction of their sexual behavior through state regulation in Kansas during and after World War I. The author critically analyzes the origins of female incarceration under Chapter 205 at the Kansas State Industrial Farm for Women as the result of the states attempt to respond to the outbreak of venereal diseases in the military. Perry thus provides keen insights in the understanding of gendered law enforcement for women in the Great Plains by interweaving meticulously researched historical facts about the Kansas State Industrial Farm for Women with the analysis of over two thousand interviews with inmates from 1923 to 1933, which chronicle how the state's interference in its citizens' lives reached far beyond the initial period of World War I. Policing Sex in the Sunflower State is a most welcome addition to the scholarship of rural sexuality and gender studies because it centers the untold lived experiences of incarcerated women during the interwar period.